Opinion

The Conflict between Democracy and Despotism in Bangaladesh

Shreya Jagadeesa

The government jobs in Bangladesh were reserved 30 per cent for freedom fighters and their descendants, 10 per cent for women,10 per cent district-based quota to ensure equal distribution of opportunities across various regions, 5 per cent for ethnic minorities and 1 per cent for differently abled people. This makes up 56 per cent of quota seats leaving only 44 per cent for merit-based qualifications. After multiple movements over the years, the government decided to scrap the system. This system highlighted inequality while trying to attain equity considering Article 29 (1) of the Bangladesh constitution which states "There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in respect of employment or office in the service of the Republic. But on 5 June, the high court division of Bangladesh nullified the government’s decision stating that it was unconstitutional and that they weren’t considering the existing socio-economic differences in the society. The high court’s verdict ignited the protests, which began peacefully,
but as the government continued rejecting the student demands, it quickly turned violent. Many people were hurt and killed as police used batons and tear gas against the protesters. Protests extended to Dhaka University and other prominent establishments, with notable instances of violence documented.
On 20th July, A statewide curfew was enforced by the Bangladeshi government as a response to the continuous protests. This action was taken to keep the peace and to put an end to the protests. The authorities decided to take severe measures and shut down internet access nationwide as tensions increased. This move was likely aimed at controlling the flow of information and preventing further mobilization of protesters through social media platforms.

International scrutiny was directed towards the Bangladeshi government’s handling of the protests. Experts from the UN demanded a fair inquiry into claims of human rights abuses throughout the campaign. According to media accounts, this protest has resulted in the detention of about 10,000 people. Over 85 per cent of the detained people are students and ordinary citizens, there were many incidents where innocent people were being arrested while they were carrying out daily activities. Smriti Singh the regional director for South Asia at Amnesty International said that this was done to instill fear in people.

On July 21, the Supreme Court ordered that the 1971 war veterans’ quota be cut to 5%, 2% would be reserved for members of ethnic minorities, transgender people and those with disabilities, and 93% of civil service jobs would be merit-based. This major change was achieved at a very high cost, also they demanded nine specific points which weren’t met, the first point being that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina who is in power for the fourth consecutive term,
must accept responsibility for the mass killings of students and publicly apologise. The protesters returned to the street and the BNP and Jamaat supported them. When it became clear that Sheikh Hasina’s government was faltering, the government imposed a curfew. At that point, the military intervened and pretended to uphold their constitutional duties without resorting to force. Army Chief Waker-uz-Zaman told the Prime Minister that his forces would not be able to impose the curfew she had demanded. Then, Sheikh Hasina resigned on August 5th, departed the nation, and sought safety in India. President Mohammed Shahabuddin ordered the release of former prime
minister Khaleda Zia from prison as soon as she left and also released all students detained during recent protests and the national curfew was lifted. The interim leader, Mohhamad Yunus, declared, "Our responsibility is to build a new Bangladesh." Simultaneously, the police union announced a strike, threatening not to go back to work unless their safety was ensured because numerous police officers had died as a consequence of demonstrations.

VIOLENCE AFTER SHEIKH HASINA’S FLEEING:
In Bangladesh, the overthrow of the Sheikh Hasina-led administration has provoked both celebration and acts of vandalism. Earlier, protesters destroyed and vandalised sculptures of her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and ransacked her official Dhaka mansion. Since the fall of the Hasina-led administration on 5 August, members of minority communities in violence-plagued Bangladesh have experienced over 205 cases of attacks throughout 52 districts. The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council wrote to Yunus on August 9th, pleading with him to defend minorities, alleging that their houses, places of business, and temples were being targeted. Mr. Yunus said to the students leading protests to safeguard all Buddhist, Christian, and Hindu households. He stated "Are they not the people of this country? You have been able to save the country, can’t you save some families? You must say no one can harm them. They are my brothers we fought together, and we will stay together," Even though students were the primary protestors at first, organisations in the nation such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Jamaat-e-Islamia, and Hefazat-e-Islami Bangladesh, took advantage of the unrest the protests caused and the grievances of the public to rebuild their support networks. These groups initially attacked government soldiers while hiding behind the protestors. The Bangladesh National Party, the opposition asked India to extradite Sheikh Hasina. Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, the BNP secretary general stated “It is our call to you that you should hand her over to the government of Bangladesh in a legal way, the people of this country have given the decision for her trial. Let her face the trial” The President has dissolved parliament and three months from now, the BNP wants elections.
Muhammad Yunus will be leading the interim government. The function of the army which previously ruled the nation is still unclear. It would also be challenging for the interim administration to restore order following the turmoil of the previous month without the help of forces. There are reports of widespread violence against Ahmedia Muslims and Awami League leaders in Bangladesh, and economic problems are worsening. Student activists are currently calling for the removal of all politicians connected to corruption and poor leadership from Bangladeshi politics, including both Hasina's administration and those before it. The removal of Hasina is being referred to by many Bangladeshis as their second independence after they gained their freedom from Pakistan 53 years prior.

CONCLUSION
This is a battle between addressing historical injustices and contemporary institutional injustices. This is an unfortunate political dichotomy as the quota system aimed to make sure people who had to go through historical pain don’t suffer in the future but these systems are supposed to change with time. It is essential to consider efficiency because the system is trying to make equity only on the surface as inequality exists on deeper levels. It’s a winner-takes-all situation, in the context of Bangladesh’s politics, this implies that political decisions or policies benefit one group at the expense of another, leading to intense competition and conflict.

Although the Supreme Court ruling was to change the quota percentage from 56 to 7, this came at the expense of many innocent lives, and the apology expected wasn’t given which makes the government of Bangladesh seem more of an autocracy than a democracy. This was Sheikh Hasina’s fourth consecutive term as she hasn’t been answerable to anybody, the state seems to prioritise position over the people and their welfare which led to the collapse of her government.

Shreya Jagadeesan, Research Scholar, St. Joseph’s University.

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